|  | May 30 , 2010 Listen (MP3 format) 
              Fellow citizens,
 As the hot summer months start   to take hold, there is another hot issue that we will also be contending   with, and that is, the future of Hong Kong's constitutional   development.
 
 In a few weeks' time, before the summer   recess, the Legislative Council will decide on the constitutional reform   package for the 2012 Chief Executive and Legislative Council elections.
 
 The run-up to the vote will undoubtedly result in some   heated political debate. Different political groups, as well as   individuals, have been trying to convince the public that their vision   for Hong Kong's political future represents the best way forward.
 
 This   is something that we should all be proud of. Hong Kong is a pluralistic   society. Everyone is entitled to his or her own views, and to defend   them when challenged. This is typical of the discussions that we have   had on political development over the past two decades.
 
 But   there comes a time when we need to bridge our differences to forge   consensus for the overall benefit of Hong Kong.
 
 Now is   such a time. Now is the time to act.
 
 Our constitutional   design is such that we must have a two-thirds majority in LegCo - that   is, 40 of the 60 seats - in order to amend the methods for selecting the   Chief Executive and electing the legislature.
 
 This is no   easy task.
 
 In 2005, while we obtained an absolute majority   of LegCo votes, we failed to secure the 66% threshold needed to pass a   reform package that had a support rate of some 60% of the public.
 
 This   year we face a similar situation. In most opinion polls, the   Government's reform package enjoys majority support in the community.   But, so far we have not secured sufficient votes among legislators   required to approve the package.
 
 There has been much debate   about the reform package so I shall not repeat or rebut those arguments   again.
 
 Rather, I'd like to clear a few myths to help   everyone better understand the issue.
 
 The first myth is   that the Government does not want full democracy for Hong Kong, and the   current reform package is regressive.
 
 I don't want there to   be any doubts about my government's commitment to advancing democracy in   Hong Kong.
 
 In 2007, at the behest of myself and others,   the Central Government made a landmark decision that Hong Kong may   implement universal suffrage for the election of the Chief Executive in   2017 and for the Legislative Council in 2020. Since then, my top   priority has been to make this happen.
 
 That is why I am   so eager to see progress in our constitutional system in 2012.
 
 This   will be the first step - as well as our last opportunity - to lay the   foundations for a Chief Executive elected by universal suffrage in 2017.
 
 The   current package is a vital step forward towards greater democracy and   indeed universal suffrage, even though some may feel that the step is   not big enough.
 
 We propose to increase by five, the number   of LegCo seats returned by geographical constituencies.
 
 The   Central Government's 2007 decision states that any increase in   geographical constituencies requires a corresponding increase in   functional constituency seats.
 
 So, we are proposing that   five new functional constituency seats be returned by elected District   Council members.
 
 This is the most democratic form of   indirect election we can design within the confines of the 2007 decision   of the Central Government.
 
 More importantly, it also   effectively prevents any future increase in the number of conventional   FC seats representing specific sectors or interest groups.
 
 Some   have said that these proposals are a far cry from full democracy.  That   is true.
 
 Indeed, they are interim arrangements.  But these   interim arrangements will bring us closer to our ultimate goal of   universal suffrage.
 
 They bring us closer because, first of   all, the package is a step forward towards that goal.
 
 More   important, they bring us closer because passage of the reform package   will represent the first time in Hong Kong's political history when   constitutional change under the Basic Law has been triggered and enabled   through compromise by various camps in LegCo.
 
 We shall need   the same resolve again when we tackle the 2017 universal suffrage   arrangements a few years down the road.
 
 The second myth is   that it makes little difference whether the package is passed or not.
 
 Let's   not be mistaken - it makes a great deal of difference. We have much to   lose if we cannot effect any change this time around.
 
 At   stake is not just a set of more democratic arrangements for the 2012   Chief Executive and LegCo elections.
 
 At stake is also our   ability and confidence to reach a consensus for universal suffrage in   2017 and 2020. If we do not see progress this time, I fear that a mood   of pessimism and cynicism will take root.
 
 But, if we can   make it, Hong Kong politics will advance to a new level. We will have   proved that politics is not just about partisanship, demagogue and   endless polemics, that dialogue, co-operation and pragmatism can   prevail, and that good politics can play a constructive role in the   development of society.
 
 The third myth is that political   development has nothing to do with ordinary citizens, so whether we can   make constitutional advancement is irrelevant to them.
 
 But,   the fact is none of us can escape politics. Political challenges consume   much of society's energy and resources, as we have seen in Hong Kong   over these past two decades.
 
 Good politics can effectively   tackle problems and resolve differences in society.
 
 I   believe the passage of our reform package will create a better political   system and environment, which we all deserve, and from which we will   all benefit.
 
 And because the stakes are so high, we should   not give up easily. We should not be daunted by the great difficulty of   this exercise.
 
 My administration will be doing whatever we   can to promote our package because we believe it's a good package. We   will be lobbying our legislators hard for their support.
 
 Yesterday,   we launched a community-wide campaign with the theme "Act Now".
 
 It   is, in effect, a call to action.  Our constitutional system has been   stagnant for too long.  It is time to move forward.
 
 It is   also time for those who care about our constitutional progress to break   their silence and to take a stand.  Tell your legislators. Post a   letter. Write an e-mail. Make a phone call. It all counts. It can all   make a difference.
 
 Our campaign slogan also stresses the   time element. It is time for action now - not later. We must act now   before the opportunity for progress once again slips through our   fingers.
 
 The Chinese slogan for the campaign is "起錨",   which means "anchors aweigh". It's a popular colloquial term that   carries a similar meaning to the English slogan - it means it is time to   move on and to start a new journey.
 
 My political team and I   are all geared up.
 
 These days, we are going directly into   the community to explain to people the significance of constitutional   reform.
 
 We are trying different ways to get this message   across, from handing out flyers on the streets to inviting a legislator   to an open, televised debate.
 
 Some of my friends have   questioned whether these actions are a proportionate measure because the   chances remain slim for the passage of the reform package, given the   stance of certain political parties.
 
 But let's opt for a   bold and disproportionate approach if our cause is worth fighting for.
 
 I   have no doubt that Hong Kong, which I have served for more than 40   years, is worth fighting for; Hong Kong people are worth fighting for.
 
 That   is why we will continue to push for constitutional reform despite all   the constraints and difficulties. Our package is worth fighting for and I   know that if we succeed, Hong Kong will be a better place.
 
              
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                | Donald TSANG Yam-kuen, Chief Executive
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